General strike challenges Bolivian Government
Posted by John, May 16th, 2010 - under Bolivia, General strike.
On Tuesday May 4, the Central Obrera Boliviana (COB; Bolivian Workers’ Centre), the chief union federation in Bolivia, launched an indefinite general strike against Evo Morales’ Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) government.
Traditionally, the Bolivian government has increased wages on May Day. This year, the government capped private sector wage rises at 5 per cent. The move was met with disappointment and anger from many sections of the working class.
Bolivia is the poorest country in Latin America. The Centre for Labour and Agrarian Development Studies (CEDLA) has compiled statistics taking into account changes in purchasing power.
Based on these numbers, between 2006 and 2009 the average real increase in the minimum wage was barely 1.4 per cent, and the government proposal of a nominal increase of 5 per cent in the minimum wage in 2010 means a real average annual increase of only 2.3 per cent.
But there is more to it than wages. Guido Midma, the executive secretary of the Bolivian miners’ union federation, explained:
“No changes have occurred in the last four years. The promised revival of production has not happened… new jobs have not been created in the natural gas, mining, agriculture or forestry industries. We cannot remain silent. The wage increase is miserable, even more so when the government is siding with the business community at a time when international mineral prices are on the rise. The government is forcing workers into exploitation and slavery.”
Morales’ plea that workers’ be “rational and responsible for the country” was flatly ignored as demonstrations were held around the country, accompanied by a 24-hour general strike which was then extended indefinitely.
The leaders of some unions have initiated hunger strikes in protest. The militant manufacturing and mining workers who have led the strike set up roadblocks. Additionally, the strike has been supported by public health workers and teachers – all of whom are pressing for wage increases between 13 per cent and 26 per cent.
Morales responded by arguing that workers would have to wait for wages to go up gradually and that “This is the way to try to achieve equality among Bolivians. It can’t be done in one fell swoop. That’s impossible. The Treasury can’t do that.”
Echoing neoliberal logic, Morales continued: “While we have begun to improve, I feel as though certain compañeros want everything for their salaries. We have to invest in Bolivia – only by investing can we create more jobs.”
Morales’ Vice-Prime Minister Gustavo Torrico went further, telling the workers that they would have to get used to living on “rations of bread and coffee”. According to the Bolivian paper La Razon, President Morales is currently under the protection of the police and military.
As the strike approached the end of its first week, Morales accused the strikers of being infiltrated by right-wing groups and the US embassy.
Morales’ words and actions are a clear example of the logic of reformism; the logic of attempting to reform a capitalist state. He is constrained by the needs of a capitalist economy, and as such, has moved against the working class.
On the other hand, the COB, founded during the revolution of 1952, is exemplary of the radical traditions of the Bolivian working class. Its Political Thesis, penned in 1970, opens by saying:
“We workers proclaim that our historic mission in the present moment is to crush imperialism and its native servants. We proclaim that our mission is the struggle for socialism. We proclaim that the proletariat is the revolutionary nucleus par excellence amongst working Bolivians…”
Since Morales was sworn in to the Presidency in 2006, however, the COB leadership has been very close to the government. The socialist leader of the Urban Teachers’ Union, Vilma Plata, described COB leader Pedro Montes as a “sort of a subaltern Evo Morales, only defending the interests of the President and not the workers.”
This makes the current strike all the more significant. It represents the first large-scale action of workers in opposition to the Morales government, and it represents a setback for the pro-Morales section of the COB leadership.
The government, desperate to end the strike that is now well into its second week, has signed an agreement with Pedro Montes. Montes, for his part, was delighted to go against the wishes of his union’s members. His fraudulent accord has been resolutely rejected by the strikers.
A number of union leaders, including leaders of the manufacturing and mining sections and the teachers’ union, have called for Montes to step aside. Steps have been taken towards the convocation of a COB conference that could put a new, more pro-working class leadership in place.
As of May 13, the COB is still in talks with the government – but the key question of wage rises has not been resolved. The rhetoric of Morales and his government has become even shriller – they have alternately tried to deny that the strike exists and accused the strikers of sabotaging Bolivia’s “progress”. Yet the strike continues.
This article, by Daniel Lopez, first appeared online in Socialist Alternative.
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Comments
Comment from Ben Courtice
Time May 16, 2010 at 1:31 pm
Just having been in Bolivia, I could add a couple of comments that illuminate the situation somewhat more. The COB and miners union in particular are very small; the state owned mining industry was smashed by privatisation, as far back as the 1980s I think. The working class in Venezuela is not just largely unorganised but also very small.
I’m not going to say who is right in this wage dispute; but I think that since so many enterprises have been nationalised by the government, a large wage rise would essentially mean a large increase in government expenditure. They really don’t have a lot of money, and I think what they do have they are using to try and set up new industries and enterprises (with little success so far, sadly) and I saw a lot of evidence that they were building housing, etc in poor areas like El Alto.
So while the desire for higher wages is natural, it’s also possible to see that the unions here are being opportunist, looking to the interests of their own base ahead of the broad interests of the unorganised masses. Most Bolivians are peasants or in the informal economy and these wage rises would not help them a great deal I think.
It is true I guess that Morales “is constrained by the needs of a capitalist economy” — but how is he going to break out of that? He is nationalising what he can, but the fact is it’s an incredibly poor country and they need to get investment and trade how they can; they don’t have a lot of choice.
Like I said, I’m not sure if it is or isn’t reasonable for them to refuse the higher wage rise but I think it’s a bit more complicated than this article suggests. I would give the MAS a little more cred and not simply assume they are yet another bonapartist/reformist nationalist group.
Comment from Ben Courtice
Time May 16, 2010 at 4:11 pm
Morales and Bolivia’s Unions: Is the Romance Over?
http://democracyctr.org/blog/archives/1519
The Democracy Centre (Cochabamba) on the strike
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Comment from DR
Time May 17, 2010 at 5:10 pm

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