John Passant

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Me quoted in Fairfax papers on tax haven use
Me quoted by Georgia Wilkins in The Age (and other Fairfax publications) today. John Passant, from the school of political science and international relations, at the Australian National University, said the trend noted by Computershare was further evidence multinationals did not take global regulators seriously. ”US companies are doing this on the hard-nosed basis that any [regulatory] changes that will be made won’t have an impact on their ability to avoid tax,” he said. ”They think it is going to take a long time for the G20 to take action, or that they are just all talk.” (1)

Sprouting sh*t for almost nothing
You can prove my 2 ex-comrades wrong by donating to my blog En Passant at BSB: 062914 Account: 1067 5257, the Commonwealth Bank in Tuggeranong, ACT. More... (12)

My interview Razor Sharp 18 February
Me interviewed by Sharon Firebrace on Razor Sharp on Tuesday 18 February. http://sharonfirebrace.files.wordpress.com/2014/02/18-2-14-john-passant-aust-national-university-g20-meeting-age-of-enttilement-engineers-attack-of-austerity-hardship-on-civilians.mp3 (0)

My interview Razor Sharp 11 February 2014
Me interviewed by Sharon Firebrace on Razor Sharp this morning. The Royal Commission, car industry and age of entitlement get a lot of the coverage. http://sharonfirebrace.com/2014/02/11/john-passant-aust-national-university-canberra-2/ (0)

Razor Sharp 4 February 2014
Me on 4 February 2014 on Razor Sharp with Sharon Firebrace. http://sharonfirebrace.files.wordpress.com/2014/02/4-2-14-john-passant-aust-national-university-canberra-end-of-the-age-of-entitlement-for-the-needy-but-pandering-to-the-lusts-of-the-greedy.mp3 (0)

Time for a House Un-Australian Activities Committee?
Tony Abbott thinks the Australian Broadcasting Corporation is Un-Australian. I am looking forward to his government setting up the House Un-Australian Activities Committee. (1)

Make Gina Rinehart work for her dole
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Real debate?
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System change, not climate change
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What role for socialists in the fight against sexist violence?

On September 21, ABC employee Jill Meagher was abducted as she walked home along Sydney Road in Melbourne after a night out with friends writes Kim Bullimore in Direct Action.

Meagher was brutally raped and murdered, and her body was dumped in a shallow grave. In response to the abduction, rape and murder, more than 30,000 people marched on Sydney Road on October 1 as part of a loosely organised “peace march”.

Three weeks later, on October 20, in a separately organised event, more than 7000 women and men joined a Sydney Road Reclaim the Night march, which called for an end to all violence against women and sought to counter victim blaming and the reactionary calls by politicians, the police and the media to undermine civil liberties in the wake of Meagher’s death.

In recent weeks, a debate has emerged around how socialists and the left should have reacted to these mobilisations. In an article published in Socialist Alternative magazine on November 22, Louise O’Shea examined the political, media and community responses.

As a member of the collective that organised the Sydney Road Reclaim the Night march and a member of the Revolutionary Socialist Party, which is currently in a merger process with Socialist Alternative, I have both agreements and disagreements with the arguments in O’Shea’s article.

O’Shea noted the ruling-class hypocrisy and opportunism in relation to Jill Meagher’s rape and murder. O’Shea went on to argue that socialists need to oppose such reactionary agendas and win people to a world view that puts working class interests and struggle at the centre. On both of these points, I am in total agreement.

I also agree with O’Shea’s arguments as to why this case received such extensive media coverage, when violence against refugees, workers, Aboriginal Australians and others receives very little coverage. As Helen Jarvis noted in an article published in Direct Action on October 12, the bourgeois media’s coverage of Meagher was in stark contrast to the attention given to other victims of violence, including other women who were similarly raped and murdered. Of course I agree with O’Shea that it is a responsibility of socialists to argue against such blatant racism and sexism.

Oppression under capitalism

However, O’Shea’s article seems to regard campaigning against some specific forms of violence and oppression as inherently more important than campaigning against other forms. She also argues that organising against sexist violence, especially street violence, is necessarily and nearly always right wing.

But while it is true that it is harder for working-class women to escape the effects of women’s oppression and that the ruling class and their media were thoroughly hypocritical and opportunistic in relation to Meagher’s death, this does not change the reality that violence against women, whether random acts of street violence or violence committed by a person known to the woman or violence in a class context, is part of the systemic oppression that women as a sex experience under capitalism.

As with racist violence against people of colour, sexist violence against women is maintained by capitalism but crosses class lines. This means that women within capitalist society, regardless of their class, can and do experience sexist violence and oppression as a sex.

Capitalism cannot survive by only oppressing and exploiting workers in the workplace. It needs and preserves as much as it can of oppressions and conflicts inherited from previous class societies, and it tries to create new ones when it sees the possibility.

In different socio-political circumstances, these various oppressions have changing importance for the capitalists. In some circumstances, capitalists will argue in favour of women’s rights if, for example, it aids their exploitation of a neo-colonial country. In other circumstances, capitalists will defend “national traditions” that objectively oppress women if the dictatorship of that country assists the imperialist agenda of the ruling class.

Marxists have an equally firm determination to eliminate all of the oppressions of capitalism. We don’t consider any of these oppressions as inherently more important than others.

And because these oppressions all serve the interests of the capitalists, every struggle against oppression is objectively an ally of every other such struggle. A central task for socialists is to spread an understanding of this objective reality.

This is not a new attitude for the Marxist movement. V.I. Lenin in 1902, writing about how to develop a socialist consciousness in the working-class in What Is To Be Done? argued:

Working-class consciousness cannot be genuine political consciousness unless the workers are trained to respond to all cases of tyranny, oppression, violence, and abuse, no matter what class is affected …The consciousness of the working masses cannot be genuine class-consciousness, unless the workers learn, from concrete, and above all from topical, political facts and events to observe every other social class in all the manifestations of its intellectual, ethical, and political life; unless they learn to apply in practice the materialist analysis and the materialist estimate of all aspects of the life and activity of all classes, strata, and groups of the population. (Emphasis in the original).

Ruling-class agenda

O’Shea’s article goes astray when it argues that organising against sexist violence is inherently reactionary, class collaborationist and undermining of class consciousness because the ruling class attempts to use such campaigns to advance class-collaborationist ideas. The ruling class does this with just about every progressive struggle.

For example, when forced to increase the social wage through improved social welfare measures, the capitalist media invariably present this as an example of class peace or the importance of relying on “labour’s friends” in parliament.

The capitalists try to do the same with the movements for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex rights, civil rights, refugee rights and many national liberation movements, including the Palestine solidarity movement.

Moreover, O’Shea’s argument ignores the historical fact that the fight against the oppression of women as a sex has often been the basis for the progressive mobilisation of masses of both women and men.

To cite just one notable example, the February Revolution in Russia in 1917 began with resistance to an attack by tsarist police on an International Women’s Day demonstration.

Developing class-consciousness

There is no one single path, or superior path, to revolutionary consciousness. People can and do enter the path because of any of capitalism’s oppressions and exploitations, which includes violence against women.

Of course we understand that a consciousness of oppression as a woman is only a beginning, not a full consciousness — just as it is possible for workers to radicalise around job issues and gain a “trade union consciousness” but go no further. It is only through participation in struggles that this limited consciousness develops into full class consciousness.

This is why it is important for socialists not to abstain from such mobilisations and movements but to take part in them and seek to win leadership, arguing for demands and actions that will advance the struggle, while also seeking to win the most advanced sections to socialism.

The public reaction to the abduction, rape and murder of Jill Meagher, while primarily a manifestation of a liberal humanitarian sentiment and solidarity with the victim, was also a protest against the sexism, misogyny and sexual violence that are inescapable in capitalist society.

As O’Shea notes, this response was for most participants not class based, but that is more or less equally true in Australia of support for refugees or opposition to war. Today, as in 1902, a central task of socialists is to help the working class learn “to respond to all cases of tyranny, oppression, violence and abuse” because that is the only way in which the working class can become conscious of its historic role of overthrowing capitalism.

If socialists were to abstain from campaigns opposing sexist violence against women because of the liberal illusions that exist within such campaigns, we would do the working class a disservice by ceding ground to the ruling class and its conscious or unconscious agents.

The importance of taking socialist ideas into such campaigns can be seen in relation to the two mass mobilisations around Meagher’s death. O’Shea’s article conflates these two mobilisations, but there were substantial political differences between them.

Reclaim the Night marches

While the amorphous “peace march”, which mobilised 30,000 people, failed to challenge attempts by the police and ruling class to push their agenda for more police powers and CCTV, the collective that organised the October 20 Reclaim the Night march, which involved both non-socialists and socialists (including members of the Revolutionary Socialist Party), argued against such measures.

As Jessica Lenehan and Jasmine Curcio noted in an article published in Direct Action on October 23 [and republished here], the Reclaim the Night collective opposed an increase in police powers and any erosion of civil liberties. Instead, the collective and march “called for an end to violence against women, support for survivors, an end to victim blaming and adequate funding for crisis services”. In addition, speakers at the march addressed broader issues including Islamophobia, Indigenous rights and anti-imperialist struggles in Iraq and Afghanistan.

Other Reclaim the Night events around Australia also not only challenged sexist violence (whether on the street or in the home) but also sought to address broader issues that challenged the agenda of the ruling class. The Perth Reclaim the Night march (held in Fremantle) campaigned against the de-funding of Warrawee, Australia’s first purpose-built women’s refuge. The marches in Fremantle and Sydney publicly defended refugees and Indigenous rights.

The Fremantle Reclaim the Night collective sought and obtained endorsements from several unions, including the Maritime Union of Australia and the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union, which both made substantial donations, the Australian Services Union, which placed an ad in two local papers to encourage attendance, and the National Tertiary Education Union.

The support of these unions, each of which mobilised its members for the rally, indicates that they recognise that violence against women is not only a “women’s issue”, but an issue for both working-class women and men.

Far from giving “left cover” to a ruling-class agenda, socialist intervention in the Reclaim the Night marches helped to partially disrupt what the ruling class hoped to make of the public reaction to Meagher’s rape and murder.

O’Shea is too pessimistic when she writes that “it was impossible given the level of class struggle and class consciousness in Australia today for the tiny forces of the left to intervene to change” the reactionary character that the ruling class sought to give to the mobilisations.

While I don’t want to exaggerate the effect that a small socialist group can have in the present political situation, socialist intervention in a movement like this, created by revulsion at one of the objective effects of capitalism, can help to spur the further radicalisation of some of the participants, who otherwise would hear no voices but those of liberals and conservatives. This is a central reason that it is necessary to be part of a revolutionary socialist organisation today, even when its numbers are small.

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Comments

Comment from Kay
Time December 5, 2012 at 7:22 pm

It is pretty appalling to me that Socialists use even the brutal death of a young woman to try to advance their cause! The protest marches were no doubt prompted by widespread outrage against such an horrific act, and to show sympathy with the victim’s family. And yet you socialists argue about how best to cash in on these normal, human reactions to advance your class warfare ideas. Very opportunistic and completely out-of-court!

Your logic seems to be: we live in a capitalist society; there is violence against women (and men and children) in our society; ipso facto capitalism is the cause of such violence.

All your class warfare crap is just so outdated! Move forward into the 21st Century, please! No doubt Lenin and Marx and other notable Socialist thinkers wrote some wonderful stuff, but society has since moved on. No wonder your membership is so low. Your ideas simply don’t gel with people’s experiences today.

And BTW what exactly is wrong with CCTV cameras? I wish there were more of them! So do most women. Their existence may help to discourage crime, and certainly helps to identify criminals. If you are not breaking the law, what is there to fear?

Comment from John
Time December 5, 2012 at 7:42 pm

Unlike every right wing politician and media outlet pushing to control more of our lives and doing absolutely nothing to address systemic violence against women you mean? However I think you are stating a half truth when you say ‘No wonder your membership is so low. Your ideas simply don’t gel with people’s experiences today.’ The revolutionary Socialists of Egypt have grown exponentially during the revolution and their position on Morsi etc is being vindicated every day. As the class war, that outmoded concept, grows there, in Tunisia and in Europe, the revolutionary left is getting a hearing.

Comment from Kay
Time December 6, 2012 at 7:38 am

From what I have heard, the uprisings in Egypt have been primarily against dictatorships – first Mubarak, now Morsi. The additional element this time is a violent objection to the fact that the new Constitution not only gives sweeping powers to Morsi, but gives too much emphasis and power to Sharia law. Hence moderate Muslims feel betrayed.

I haven’t heard any reference to a ‘workers’ revolution’ or class warfare. You just like to imagine that is what is happening.

The fact that Morsi is cementing his position with dictatorial powers doesn’t surprise me – it is what would happen were your longed-for socialist revolution ever come to pass. Doesn’t the fact that a truly socialist revolution and subsequent system of government has never existed alert you to the fact that this is completely impractical and contrary to human nature?

This is the reason that we here in Australia prefer to stick to the albeit flawed democracy we already have. It works, even for those less well-off. People don’t starve to death and people don’t get rounded up and slaughtered. And by and large, people have a comfortable life here. Hence your membership of only 300.

Comment from JN
Time December 6, 2012 at 8:55 am

I hope that Kay remembers to tell the Australian ruling class that class warfare is crap and an outdated concept or that society has moved on each time in this “wealthy” society a worker is injured at work under FWA, a child goes to sleep hungry and is told that society can’t afford to feed her or the budget for public education is slashed while money is funnelled into private schools for the wealthy.

Class warfare is alive and well all around you Kay, hidden in plain sight.

Comment from John
Time December 6, 2012 at 9:42 am

The strikes that broke out in 2008 in Mahala were the first challenges to Mubarak that were a mass movement and had some success. Independent unions, including tax officers, then formed.

There were big strikes against Mubarak before he resigned. They were part of the general ferment against him. As a previous post made clear the rebellion against Mubarak was a cross-class alliance of most sectors of society but now with the MB in power that alliance is breaking down as they rule for the capitalist class and that means both keeping people poor and assuming dictatorial powers. The struggle was and is not just for freedom but also for food; not just for justice but also for jobs. That has been clear from the start. The Brotherhood thugs killed one of my comrades overnight in mass demonstrations against Morsi.

Revolutions are a process, not just an event.

Actually people do go hungry in Australia. The poverty level is over 12%. Homelessness is increasing under Labor. Aboriginal people die 17 years earlier than the rest of us. Boat people are rounded up and sent to concentration camps. Look around you.

Comment from Kay
Time December 6, 2012 at 9:58 am

Did I say it was a “wealthy” society? No. That is clearly your assessment.

Yes, poverty exists in this country – I grew up in poverty. But I also know a lot of poverty is exacerbated by excessive parental gambling, drinking, drug-taking and smoking. There always seems to be money for that! And yes, there are child victims of poverty – very sad. But there is no reason in this country for a child to go to bed hungry. In addition to government assistance, there are charities that can help.

What I see is not class warfare, but the ‘haves’ and ‘have nots’. Only on this Blog do people discuss ‘class’. And the capacity exists for most people to have a quite comfortable (not necessarily rich) life. But they should be prepared to work to achieve this. The government is only obliged to provide a very basic safety net.

Comment from John
Time December 6, 2012 at 8:19 pm

Kay, did you see tonight that opposition ‘leader’ Mohamed Elbaradei called for a general strike?

Comment from JN
Time December 6, 2012 at 9:53 pm

How ironic that our Horatio Alger here, who denies the relevance of class today by asserting it is a concept that belongs in the 20th century, then proceeds to regurgitate a moralising Victorian sermon about the deserving and undeserving poor.

Comment from John
Time December 7, 2012 at 7:49 am

Kay, the 12% of people who today live in poverty in Australia are those who are below the accepted poverty line. This has nothing to do with what they spend their money on. They receive very little money to spend in the first place. That could be fixed overnight by increasing government allowances like Newstart and increasing the minimum wage etc.

Comment from Kay
Time December 7, 2012 at 12:31 pm

John

My understanding of the successful toppling of Mubarek was that all facets of society united in the protests, including moderate Muslims, academics, small business owners, workers, farmers etc. Later, the Muslim Brotherhood saw their opportunity to cash in on the general unrest, and, because they were better organised, managed to wrangle power. And they are now trying to use that power to enforce another tyrannical era on the long-suffering people of Egypt.

A general strike? Great. I have no doubt that once again there will be many people involved, not just ‘workers’. I hope they are successful in trying to slowly but surely move Egypt towards some secular form of democracy.

Comment from Kay
Time December 7, 2012 at 12:54 pm

JN

Good with anonymous insults, aren’t you?

I wasn’t aware of any ‘moralising Victorian sermon’ a la Horatio Alger or otherwise – just seemed like common 21st Century sense to me! Fairly widely accepted in the community too, I would think. BTW do you work?

All I was saying was that the concept of ‘class’ is not one that is generally discussed in the community (even though it features prominently on this Blog), but the concept of ‘haves’ and ‘have nots’ certainly is discussed. And I was certainly very familiar with the ‘have not’ scenario as a child.

Given the length of time since the Newstart allowance was adjusted, I too was surprised it was not increased. But the recent review would have more information about this topic than I do. A parlous Budget situation could be the main explanation, I guess.

I find it curious though that so many people find it almost impossible to get people to do odd jobs around the house – cleaning, gardening, handy-man stuff. Older and disabled people often need a bit of help (cash in hand) but it seems no one is interested? I have frequently heard such complaints. Why is that?

Comment from John
Time December 7, 2012 at 12:55 pm

yes, all sectors of society united against Mubarak. stage 1 of the revolution. Class differences are coming to the fore. Stage 2.

Comment from Kay
Time December 7, 2012 at 2:06 pm

No, sounds more like a protest against an overly religious State. I don’t think ‘class’ comes into it! These are just disaffected people from all walks of life.