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A left wing Budget?

Madame Deputy Speaker, I move that the Budget Bill now be read a second time.

Madame Deputy Speaker, I am tonight presenting the most left wing Budget in Australia’s history.

This Budget will squeeze the rich till their pips squeak. This is a Budget for the battlers and working class.

It is a budget which unashamedly targets the parasites of capital who live off our labour and give us poor wages, few jobs and a crap environment.

I make no apologies for this class war. For over 30 years there has been a one sided class war in Australia waged by the rich and powerful against the poor and working class.

It is time our side fought back. This Budget is part of that fight back.

Madame Deputy Speaker, inequality in Australia has grown markedly over the last decades as neoliberalism became the ideology and practice of the ruling class and its two main parties, the open party of capital, the Liberals, and Labor, the disguised party of capital, or the capitalist workers’ party.

The ALP’s commitment to managing capitalism has led, Madame Deputy Speaker, the charge to austerity and attacks on jobs, wages and a social policy of repression, demonisation and racism that we will begin to fix.

We will set up refugee welcoming centres for a quick transition of any who want to come here into the community. A special Serco tax and workers’ take over of ‘detention’ centres to turn them into places of merely temporary stay before our new friends are relocated in the community will begin tonight.

Madame Deputy Speaker, we in the Left Front say enough is enough.

The magnificent strikes which broke out earlier this year in Australia against Labor’s Unfair Work laws have changed the political environment and the election of a Left Front Government under my leadership and that of comrade Leonie Bronstein marks a new era in the struggle for socialism and the overthrow of the dictatorship of capital.

As we speak the unrepresentative swill that is the Senate has been disbanded  for its reactionary obstructionism by workers’ militias. The abolition of that bastion of backwardness will save over $250 million a year, offset by an increase in members of this House to 501 to allow for adequate local representation.

Madame Deputy Speaker, I am pleased to also announce that all Australian troops are on their way home from Afghanistan as we speak or will be within the next 3 days. That imperialist war of destruction and subjugation is over from our point of view.

Madame Deputy Speaker, the $2 billion we save from this folly and misadventure will go towards increasing immediately our foreign aid spending to 0.7% of GDP. In fact Madame Deputy Speaker we believe this itself is not enough and aid will be given to organisations of national and social liberation around the globe in their struggles against US and, until today, Australian imperialism.

Madame Deputy Speaker, the treatment of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders in this country is nothing short of a disgrace. We will impose a Twiggy Forrest tax on the rich miners to pay for a program of health and education devised and run by local people, not senior bureaucrats.

This is the first step in a treaty with the original inhabitants, recognition of prior sovereignty and setting up a process for paying the rent. 

Madame Deputy Speaker, my colleague the Minister for the Liberation of Indigenous People will provide more details in her speech to the House later tonight, including of an election process to elect representatives of the original inhabitants to begin the treaty negotiation process.

Madame Deputy Speaker, one of the key tools for equity in our society is the tax system.

Ever since the election of the Hawke Keating Labor governments the tax system has become an instrument of the one percent. Tax inequality in Australia has increased to such an extent that the bottom 20% of income earners pay 26.7% of their income in tax while the top 20% of income earners pay only 34.5%.

We will reverse that trend tonight. All those earning salary and wages or similar remuneration that is more than $180,000 will be taxed on that extra income at 100%. Those earning salary and wages income between $120,00 and $180000 will pay 45% on that bracket. From $80,000 to $120,00 the figure will be 30%. Those earning below $80,000 will pay 20%. Anyone earning less than $30,000 will pay no tax.

All unearned income such as capital gains, interest, dividends and rent, will be subject to a tax rate of 50% for the first $20000, 75% after that up to $70,000 and 100% above that.

Madame Deputy Speaker we will impose a super profits tax not only on resource companies making super profits but all companies making such profits.

The big 4 banks and supermarket duopoly will pay extra tax worth, we estimate, ten billion dollars per annum on average under these new arrangements, along with other monopoly or oligopoly industries and entities.

A comprehensive rent tax across all industries will raise at least $20 billion a year, money which will be spent on public education, public health, public transport and addressing the environmental catastrophe looming under capitalism.

Madame Deputy Speaker, we will abolish the neoliberal carbon tax and instead devote on average $10 billion a year to making Australia a carbon dioxide emissions free economy by 2020. We will adopt the Beyond Zero Emissions plan to do this and begin work immediately.

We estimate this will create 500,000 new jobs, reducing unemployment from its current real 10 percent to around 5 percent.

Madame Deputy Speaker, using just some of the rest of our fair tax approach we will employ an extra 50,000 teachers on premium wages for all teachers using the Finnish model of cooperation to help make Australia’s education system the best in the world.

We will employ as many nurses as needed, again on premium wages for all nurses in recognition of the great job they do, to reduce nurse:patient ratios to 3:1 in the short term and 2:1 long term.

For too long teachers and nurses have been treated as the cheap training and caring workers of our country. That ends tonight.

We celebrate their contribution not just with words but with money, money taken from the rich who have had an easy ride in our society for too long. It’s time for the billionaires and millionaires to pay for their privileged unearned position.

To that end negotiations have already begun with the teachers’ and nurses’ unions across Australia to implement our plans.

Madame Deputy Speaker, according to the Treasury Tax Expenditures Statement released earlier this year, last year business and the rich, the bastions of free enterprise and competition, received over ten billion in grants through the tax system. These disguised grants include superannuation concessions for the rich, capital gains tax concessions for business, fuel rebates, accelerated depreciation, immediate write off of mining exploration expenditure, massive international tax concessions, to name but a few.

These concessions are abolished immediately, and the revenue will gain an extra $21 billion as a consequence and the tax system will become fairer.

We have set up a workers’ tax reform committee with representatives from the most militant unions to develop a tax program that really does tax the rich till their pips squeak. Included in their terms of reference will be proposals to tax the family homes of the rich, a wealth tax and a death duty.

The workers’ tax reform committee will also investigate the goods and service tax with a view to abolishing it and replacing it with further taxes on the rich and powerful. In the interim we will cut the rate to 5%.

Madame Deputy Speaker, tax policy follows the wider struggles in society . During the last 30 years of working class subservience tax policy, indeed all government policy, has become, under both Labor and the Liberals, the plaything of the rich. This has been driven by the fall in profit rates from the early 1970s in the developed world.

Those days end tonight.

Tax and other policies can only redress inequality that arises as a consequence of growing inequality in the workplace. A progressive tax policy can only be built on the back of class struggle to win wage increases and defend jobs.

Madame Deputy Speaker, despite the recent magnificent strikes across Australia, led by the 17 militant unions, the share of national income going to capital is still almost at its highest ever and that to labour its lowest.

We will immediately raise the minimum wage to $1000 per week. All pensions will be paid at the rate of 125% of the minimum wage and other welfare payments adjusted accordingly.

One way to recognise the great contribution of labour to the wealth of Australia is to reduce working hours. We will cut the working week to 30 hours with no loss of income, effective immediately.

We have set aside $5 billion for  a prices watchdog with real teeth, and that watchdog will control prices currently set by big business. Its guiding principle will be people, not profit. 

Madame Deputy Speaker, from tonight the retirement age will be 60 if workers want to leave the workforce then.

No profitable big business will be able to sack workers.

The company tax rate for big business will be 39% up to $100,000 and 50% on profit above that. Dividend imputation is abolished. The tax lurk that is trusts will also end tonight. All trusts will be taxed as companies.

If big business resists our policies the relevant workers and their unions will take them over and run them to satisfy human need.

Madame Deputy Speaker, to stop capital fleeing the country we at 6 pm tonight closed down all electronic transfer mechanisms. Members of the Finance Sector Union have occupied key financial organisations and centres.

I am advised that attempts have been made by some major sections of capital to send their money offshore. These companies are now nationalised and we will put them under workers’ control.

The same will apply to any capital which attempts to leave the country in the days, weeks and months to come. You will be nationalised under your workers’ control.

Madame Deputy Speaker, one of the blights on Australian society has been the ANZUS treaty. I announce that we have tonight withdrawn from the treaty. My Foreign Affairs Comrade  Bill Nile will be making a statement to the House in the next few hours. We believe, Madame Deputy Speaker, that such a move will save us about $5 billion a year.

The abolition of the secret police, ASIO and ASIS, will save almost a billion dollars a year and countless lives here and around the globe.

Madame Deputy Speaker, we have abolished the defence forces and the police. This will save approximately $50 billion a year. A people’s militia, already in formation, will receive $20 bn in funding, a saving of over $30 billion a year.

I am advised, Madame Deputy Speaker, that workers at the News Limited papers have seized control of their companies and begun producing The Liberated Australian. I look forward to reading its first copy tomorrow morning free of the malign influence of the Murdoch robber barons.

I am further advised Madame Deputy Speaker that Andrew Bolt has bolted.

Madame Deputy Speaker, this is just the tip of the iceberg. More details can be found at the Free Treasury website.

I will now hand over to the Commissioner for Working Class Spending. She will outline new spending on public health, education, transport and addressing climate change among other important issues.

Madame Deputy Speaker I commend the Bill to the House and to the working class.



Pingback from En Passant » A left wing Budget @johnpassant #auspol | The Left Hack
Time May 10, 2012 at 8:16 am

[…] En Passant » A left wing Budget @johnpassant #auspol Posted on May 10, 2012 by Darin Sullivan via […]

Pingback from En Passant » You call that class war? This is class war!
Time May 11, 2012 at 9:53 am

[…] Class war would be if Swan taxed the rich in a real left wing Budget. […]

Comment from Nick Fredman
Time May 11, 2012 at 1:21 pm


this is a good immediate program for what we might call a working people’s government coming to power within a capitalist state with the support of a mass movement. A couple of points though:

Beyond Zero Emissions has estimated an annual price tag of $37 billion, rather than $10 billion, for a transition to a carbon free economy, as noted by Peter Boyle in some comments on the budget at

In calls of immediate demands to democratise the current state having a larger, single governmental assembly is surely the go but I’m not sure it’s right to call the current senate unrepresentative or call for local electorates (by implication single member), if more of them. The senate e.g. reflects the Greens vote rather accurately, whereas in the reps they are totally ripped off. I think there’s an interesting discussion to be had about all that but that the actual forms (immediate if there’s a scenario like you imagine and longer term as a new form of state is fought for) would emerge from the struggle.


Comment from John
Time May 11, 2012 at 4:27 pm

Thanks Nick. I mention ten billion a year over ten years, or $100 billion all up, because I thought that was what the BZE estimate was. Are you and Peter talking about $37 bn all up or yearly? The voting issue was more about making sure we had lots of local representatives. Multi-seat ensures a divergence too. But workers’ councils would be even better. However the immediate response had in mind both Swan’s pathetic Budget and events in Egypt, France and Greece where the class battles are Bing fought out in industrial and political terms within the confines more or less of bourgeois rule.

Comment from Dave
Time May 11, 2012 at 5:17 pm

Hi All seems like my previous comment was eaten by the internet….
I like utopian speculation, even when it is tongue in check, as a way of both making a critique and summing up the future. But the radical social democratic nature of this is sad. Why imagine a situation where there is still wage-labour, taxation, the state, and workers? Shouldn’t our budget night be the one that doesn’t happen, where the parliament is empty and we are busy in a process of communisation ridding ourselves of the much of ages and abolishing ourselves as a class – that is creating ourselves as humans?

Comment from John
Time May 11, 2012 at 8:43 pm

Because that is where 99% of workers and others are at and the line between reform and revolution is not clear cut. As Luxemburg wrote ‘between social reforms and revolution there exists for the social democracy an indissoluble tie. The struggle for reforms is its means; the social revolution its means.’

Comment from Dave
Time May 12, 2012 at 8:54 am

Hi John, ideological workers are all over the place – if you pitched to that, on the level of public opinion, you would be all over the place. But this isn’t even ‘reform’ its an illusion of social democracy, an impossible illusion ( the historical coordinates of social democracy are over) why invest in it?

Comment from John
Time May 12, 2012 at 11:28 am

To make the point that only revolution can win the goal of a better society and to point out how pissweak the ALP is. ‘Bread, land, peace’ looks pretty reformist too, doesn’t it? Then when linked to ‘All power to the Soviets’ it looks achievable.

Comment from John
Time May 12, 2012 at 9:28 pm

Sorry Dave, I think I hit the spam instead of approve button for your last comment about how we International Socialist Tendency people want to reproduce social democracy to prove how relevant we are. Dream on. I suppose I should just run around shouting general strike now? Why not highlight the bankruptcy of social democracy through pointing to alternatives within it? Have you read any of my other pieces about the death rattles or throes of social democracy in Australia?

Comment from Dave
Time May 13, 2012 at 12:20 am

John, this is a serious question, with the end of the historical moment that allowed social democracy communist strategy needs to be rethought. But totally be sarcastic if you want – its a winner!

Comment from John
Time May 13, 2012 at 7:47 pm

I agree, but we have to factor in where workers are currently at in their thinking. My comrades in the Revolutionary Socialists of Egypt are growing and having more influence among workers and those committed to the revolution because they defended all those opposed to Mubarak during his dictatorship (including the young members of the Muslim Brotherhood), because they were involved in trade union work and the strikes in Malhalla (I think), because they were involved in the revolution against Mubarak, and because they have continued the fight after Mubarak fell, including pointing out the regime continued, just without him and that revolution is process, not just an event and that the working class has the power to create a new society. The possible split in the Brotherhood is opening up further opportunities. that experience cannot be transferred directly to a country like Australia but building a revolutionary organisation as a prelude to a party is an important part of that. Highlighting the failure of social democracy by using its more radical rhetoric isn’t being a social democrat. Even Trotsky wrestled with this problem and the transitional program was his response. I wasn’t doing that, nor was I creating illusions in reformism, as reading some of my articles about its death throes attests. The problem I have is that reformist ideas live long after reformism has lost the capacity to fund reforms. The low profit rates in much of the developed world give little social surplus for reforms and so the state attacks welfare and pensions and state workers wages and the pension age. All of these are the focus for a fightback, even around reformist demands precisely because they can’t ultimately be met. Kliman’s recent book the Failure of Capitalist Production in his discussion about ‘trickle up’ economics make this point, in perhaps too dogmatic a fashion but nevertheless one I can agree with. But since even the best workers are likely to have reformist illusions but also want to fight back, I’d rather be wanting to join them in the fight than produce a grand schema that ahs little relevance to the here and now of their fightback. That’s not a reformist strategy; it’s a revolutionary one. Because First the struggle if successful does improve workers lives, and their ideas can change and do change in struggle.

Comment from Dave
Time May 13, 2012 at 8:17 pm

I agree we have to fight today – hence the launch of the Brisbane Workers Assembly that happened today. I just disagree with this kind of writing – utopian speculation being shackled to an impossible and ridiculous ‘realism’ that isn’t. Kliman’s book is all about arguing how the abolition of value has to be the starting point of revolutionary emancipation – precisely to counter such mistakes.
The transitional program is wrong – defeated illusions lead to demoralization. Witness the experience of the 2003 antiwar movement.

Comment from John
Time May 13, 2012 at 9:25 pm

How did the launch go? How many workers there? Where from? What politics? What next?

Comment from Dave
Time May 13, 2012 at 10:27 pm

It went well – 15 comrades, the politics and strategy are to be found in the ‘Reigniting the Struggle’ document that has been doing the rounds. Can email you if you want.

Comment from John
Time May 13, 2012 at 11:21 pm

Socialist Alternative – ‘a viciously sectarian behaviour and its shallow politics probably contribute little but take away much from building a genuinely emancipatory politics.’ And full of uni students evidently.

Oh dear….

Comment from Dave
Time May 14, 2012 at 7:56 am

That’s not it….that was a blog comment

Comment from Dave
Time May 14, 2012 at 8:10 am

Reigniting the Struggle- For a Brisbane Workers Assembly(Draft)

The accumulation of capital is Australia remains much stronger than that in much of the world – especially the global North. As long as high rates of growth are sustained in China and India then the resources Boom Mark II will continue to produce high levels of growth here. Even then however there are clear lines of tension: the shortage of labour-power means that there is extra pressures to increase productivity (read work more intensely and longer), and the “patch-work” nature of the economy means very uneven distributions of the benefits and costs of the resource economy (along with the big picture issues of exploitation, alienation, ecological devastation etc.). The fragile nature of the global economy, the inability to achieve sustained global levels of growth, also means there is the ever present possibility of another crash and that the effects of these will be felt in Australia. Revolutionaries need to respond to the tensions and struggles of today, yet keep one eye on the future possibilities, and be prepared to change tactics and strategy as the material conditions of capital shift.
Currently the Left has very little meaningful to offer to the masses of people in Australia. At least three years into the current crisis the state of emancipatory politics is far from impressive. Recompositions are happening, slow and under the surface and probably outside of communication with each other. This short letter is an attempt to engage with these.
The Absence of a Viable Praxis
There are probably tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, of people In Australia with some kind of radical understanding of the society we live in and a desire for something else. Some of them would have had personal histories in the organisations of the Left or social movements both in Australia and internationally. The vast majority would be involved in very low levels of activity. That doesn’t mean they aren’t doing important things, maybe involved in local campaigns and unions, taking time to think about the world, building communities in whatever ways they can. But these efforts don’t add up to a coherent challenge to capital. There are small handfuls of highly active people in sects, grouplets, milieus, and branches of the Greens and Labour, campaign groups etc. but equally this doesn’t seem to add up to much.
What we lack is a viable praxis, that is a way of conceiving the world and acting in it that produces a useful critique, poses appealing alternative visions and modes of doing in a way that connects to peoples’ lived experiences and simultaneously offers a real challenge to the social order. And we don’t seem to know how to create one.
There are possibly two very different reasons that contribute to this impasse. One is the massive recompositions of work and society that was launched at the end of the 1970s. This reorganisation of capital’s accumulation process involved a remaking of the everyday. We now work, socialise, talk, hang out, eat, live and think in radically different ways than we previously did. The inherited patterns of social struggle have had their material basis they rested on pulled away from them.
Secondly there has been the long history of defeat – that 2003 anti-war movement is possibly the most important of these in the last decade ( the Accord process in the 80s the most important overall). These defeats are also the experience of attempts to organising collectively and then being ignored and the daily feeling of being caught and ground down by capitalism. “The silent compulsion of economic relations sets the seal on the domination of the capitalist over the worker”(Marx 1990, 899).
Both these two intertwined dynamics are part of the long history of class struggle that in part explains both the general condition of the class and the inadequacies of struggle. People feel defeated and a certain assemblages of political practice that were passed down to us over the last hundred years have been defeated – that is they can no longer really connect with our condition. It is true that they have much to teach us, and the history of class struggles is a history we need to reclaim and defend. Yet if we just carry on with the ideologies of the past we have nothing to say.
What would make a viable praxis? It could perhaps consist of the following elements: a critique of capital that accurately describes the lines of tensions in its material conditions and ideological mystifications; utopian dreams that are optimistic and appealing; practical suggestions and strategies that combine with peoples’ lived experiences; organisational methods that are functioning and self-sustaining; and a way of acting that accumulates and uses power.
Such a practice requires a certain way of thinking about the world. It is important to realise that the possibility of another kind of society doesn’t come from somewhere out there, from good ideas dropping to reality, but from really struggles that exist in the present. “Communism is for us not a state of affairs which is to be established, an ideal to which reality [will] have to adjust itself. We call communism the real movement which abolishes the present state of things. The conditions of this movement result from premises now in existence” (Marx and Engels 1973, 56-7). The way life is organised under capitalism conditions both the material possibilities of communism and the potential for struggles to realise these possibilities. And it is the struggles of everyday people, in our millions, that is the only force that can realise these possibilities.
This means a certain way of thinking about class. Class doesn’t simply mean a sociological division into groups, it also means the possibilities of struggling collectively. Marx writes of the notion of “radical chains”, that the way that we are exploited under capitalism means that we exists as a “class which is the dissolution of all classes”(1992, 256). This exploitation is historically specific. It is the concrete ways that we work every day, the ways that we socialise how and where we shop, what we talk about etc. In this historical specific totality exists tensions and antagonisms and these provide the possibility of struggles that could realise radical alternatives. These possibilities exist as tensions in our daily lives. Class consciousness doesn’t refer to simple people taking a set of ideas (becoming socialists or anarchists etc.) it refers to the collective creation of understandings about the nature of the societies we live in, and more importantly the lived experiences of struggle, in which we teach ourselves the nature of our own power and how to use it.
Such a thinking about class means a faith in the masses. That is that even if we can recognize the power of ideology in shaping the way people thinking and the fetishizing effects of commodity society we do so to argue against the idea that people are somehow ‘dumb.’ There is no need to talk down to people. Faith in the masses also means realising that there is a desire for revolt, that rebellion will resonate with peoples’ experiences. And that the people in revolt will often go beyond the ideas and limitations of self-professed revolutionaries.

Class Composition & The Mass Line
How can we contribute to the development of such a praxis? What could be the broad suggestions and practical efforts?
Firstly we must be attentive to class composition. What this means simply is that the capitalism constantly revolutionises production, and that it often does this in a relation to struggle. From the 1970s to today capitalism has reshaped our lives in an attempt to decompose the previous ways we worked and lived because these were the bases of our power. We must pay attention to what the new workplace looks like, the new relations of labour and technology, the relation between different sections of work, and the hierarchies that have developed amongst the class. Broadly speaking there has been a rise in the size of the service and tertiary sections of the economy, an increasingly important if numerically small ( in terms of employment) mining industry, and expansion of easy credit which has led to more small businesses and increased consumption, and more employment is organising through contracting. There has been a proportional increase in part-time and casual employment and full time employment itself is also relatively more insecure. The costs of the provision of health, retirement and education are increasingly pushed onto the shoulders of workers themselves as individuals who often finance them through debt. This only scratches the surface. It is possible to say that the shift from Fordism to post-Fordism has been a total change of modes of living.
Emancipatory politics must base itself in these new conditions (even if we draw on historical lessons.) But how to do this? One of the contributions made to revolutionary struggle by the Zapatistas has been the radicalisation of the Maoist conception of the Mass Line. Expressed in such notions as “the inverted periscope” and “walking, we ask questions” the idea is that revolutionary politics are not brought by revolutionaries from outside the class to the class but rather created through actually investigation into the conditions we live in: primarily communicating with people about where they are at, what their concerns are, and trying to generalise these concerns into organised and collective efforts. For the Maoists the party was crucial in this, the Zapatistas free the method from the party. What we can take is the idea that the way to develop a viable practice is through an active engagement with the world, in being part of the world, and attempting to generalise common concerns into a politics of the common.
This hinges on the ability of presenting and organising common desires in a way that goes beyond the restrictions of capitalist normality. Rather than making demands to the state, we need common projects that are aimed ultimately at ourselves as a class.
Thus we also need to increase the level of shared theoretical discussions about the nature of society, to share and communicate experiences of struggle, to generate more spaces where people meet and discuss with each other and become part of each other’s lives directly and encourage experiments in living differently.
We must also be open to spontaneity and to struggles we weren’t involved in initiating.
The following suggestions are simply a way to open a door.
Concrete Suggestions
To carry out such an approach I suggest the following strategy.
1) The organisation of collectives and caucuses of workers on a city-wide industrial basis. Let’s get together those revolutionaries who all work in one industry and starting meeting and discussing what is going on and how from there we can start to carry out the ‘mass line.’ All the different collectives and caucuses could then meet once every four to six weeks to generalise the experiences going on and contribute to undermining sectional divisions. Perhaps it doesn’t simply have to be workers. The university group could involve academic and general staff and students, the child care group admin workers, child care workers and parents, transport group could involve workers and users etc.
Each collective and caucus could attempt to make workplace focused media – papers, websites, videos etc.
The larger ‘general’ collective should also publish a regular free newspaper focused on experiences and issues of work. This should be humours, topical, intelligent, informed by theory and clearly written, and also encourage collective writing and participation from readers. I suggest the name ‘The Grind’.
The organisation of collectives and caucuses around issues of reproduction: housing, welfare, education, health etc. Obviously there could be some overlap with the above but it is important to challenge and struggle in the community and well as the work-place ( is there even a clear division anymore?).
2) The organisation of regular and high standard theoretical discussions and research. This could involve public forums, written documents and bottom up enquiries into important issues of the day. These should be held increasingly in suburbs where there is little formal political activity and have an open and relaxed feeling to them
3) A large scale intellectual campaign against reaction in the class. There have always been reactionary currents in the working class. In the absence of viable practice insecurities find expression in a host of reactionary fantasies and conspiracies particularly hostility to Muslims and refugees. Liberal multiculturalism has limit effectiveness in addressing these ideas as it fails to address the causes and is often presented in an elitist and dismissive way. Whilst some success can be found in the direct physical confrontation with organised fascists there is the need to make a broader radical argument in the class. I suggested the formulation of website and free publication under the name of “Mongrel” that makes a proletarian critique of reaction – in full colour and with a sense of humour
Next Steps
On 15th March a small groups of comrades met to discuss the proposal. It was generally seen as a good thing, and we decided to proceed by starting industry groups in the industries we worked in, and to hold a larger launch meeting in May. For those interested please email

Balibar, Etienne. The Philosophy of Marx. Translated by Chris Turner. London & New York: Verso, 2007.
El Kilombo Intergaláctico. Beyond Resistance: Everything. An Interview with Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos. Durham, North Carolina: Paperboat Press, 2007.
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Marx, Karl. Early Writings. Translated by Rodney Livingstone and Gregor Benton. London: Penguin Books in association with New Left Review, 1992.
Marx, Karl , and Frederick Engels. The German Ideology Part One. 3rd ed. New York: International Publishers, 1973.
Subcomandante Marcos. “The Word and the Silence ” in Subcommandante Marcos, Our Word is Our Weapon: Selected Writings, 75-77London: Serpent’s Tail, 2001
Subcomandante Marcos and The Zapatistas. “Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle.” In The Other Campaign / La Otra Campana, edited by Subcommandante Marcos and The Zapatistas, 60-147. San Francisco: City Lights, 2006.
Žižek, Slavoj. The Sublime Object of Ideology. London & New York: Verso, 1999.